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About to add the solemnity of an oath to the
obligations imposed by a second call to the station in which my country
heretofore placed me, I find in the presence of this respectable assembly an
opportunity of publicly repeating my profound sense of so distinguished a
confidence and of the responsibility united with it. The impressions on me
are strengthened by such an evidence that my faithful endeavors to discharge
my arduous duties have been favorably estimated, and by a consideration of
the momentous period at which the trust has been renewed. From the weight
and magnitude now belonging to it I should be compelled to shrink if I had
less reliance on the support of an enlightened and generous people, and felt
less deeply a conviction that the war with a powerful nation, which forms so
prominent a feature in our situation, is stamped with that justice which
invites the smiles of Heaven on the means of conducting it to a successful
termination.
May we not cherish this sentiment without presumption when we reflect
on the characters by which this war is distinguished?
It was not declared on the part of the United States until it had been
long made on them, in reality though not in name; until arguments and
postulations had been exhausted; until a positive declaration had been
received that the wrongs provoking it would not be discontinued; nor until
this last appeal could no longer be delayed without breaking down the spirit
of the nation, destroying all confidence in itself and in its political
institutions, and either perpetuating a state of disgraceful suffering or
regaining by more costly sacrifices and more severe struggles our lost rank
and respect among independent powers.
On the issue of the war are staked our national sovereignty on the high
seas and the security of an important class of citizens whose occupations
give the proper value to those of every other class. Not to contend for such
a stake is to surrender our equality with other powers on the element common
to all and to violate the sacred title which every member of the society has
to its protection. I need not call into view the unlawfulness of the
practice by which our mariners are forced at the will of every cruising
officer from their own vessels into foreign ones, nor paint the outrages
inseparable from it. The proofs are in the records of each successive
Administration of our Government, and the cruel sufferings of that portion
of the American people have found their way to every bosom not dead to the
sympathies of human nature.
As the war was just in its origin and necessary and noble in its
objects, we can reflect with a proud satisfaction that in carrying it on no
principle of justice or honor, no usage of civilized nations, no precept of
courtesy or humanity, have been infringed. The war has been waged on our
part with scrupulous regard to all these obligations, and in a spirit of
liberality which was never surpassed. How little has been the effect of this
example on the conduct of the enemy?
They have retained as prisoners of war citizens of the United States
not liable to be so considered under the usages of war.
They have refused to consider as prisoners of war, and threatened to
punish as traitors and deserters, persons emigrating without restraint to
the United States, incorporated by naturalization into our political family,
and fighting under the authority of their adopted country in open and
honorable war for the maintenance of its rights and safety. Such is the
avowed purpose of a Government which is in the practice of naturalizing by
thousands citizens of other countries, and not only of permitting but
compelling them to fight its battles against their native country.
They have not, it is true, taken into their own hands the hatchet and
the knife, devoted to indiscriminate massacre, but they have let loose the
savages armed with these cruel instruments; have allured them into their
service, and carried them to battle by their sides, eager to glut their
savage thirst with the blood of the vanquished and to finish the work of
torture and death on maimed and defenseless captives. And, what was never
before seen, British commanders have extorted victory over the unconquerable
valor of our troops by presenting to the sympathy of their chief captives
awaiting massacre from their savage associates. And now we find them, in
further contempt of the modes of honorable warfare, supplying the place of a
conquering force by attempts to disorganize our political society, to
dismember our confederated Republic. Happily, like others, these will recoil
on the authors; but they mark the degenerate counsels from which they
emanate, and if they did not belong to a sense of unexampled inconsistencies
might excite the greater wonder as proceeding from a Government which
founded the very war in which it has been so long engaged on a charge
against the disorganizing and insurrectional policy of its adversary.
To render the justice of the war on our part the more conspicuous, the
reluctance to commence it was followed by the earliest and strongest
manifestations of a disposition to arrest its progress. The sword was
scarcely out of the scabbard before the enemy was apprised of the reasonable
terms on which it would be resheathed. Still more precise advances were
repeated, and have been received in a spirit forbidding every reliance not
placed on the military resources of the nation.
These resources are amply sufficient to bring the war to an honorable
issue. Our nation is in number more than half that of the British Isles. It
is composed of a brave, a free, a virtuous, and an intelligent people. Our
country abounds in the necessaries, the arts, and the comforts of life. A
general prosperity is visible in the public countenance. The means employed
by the British cabinet to undermine it have recoiled on themselves; have
given to our national faculties a more rapid development, and, draining or
diverting the precious metals from British circulation and British vaults,
have poured them into those of the United States. It is a propitious
consideration that an unavoidable war should have found this seasonable
facility for the contributions required to support it. When the public voice
called for war, all knew, and still know, that without them it could not be
carried on through the period which it might last, and the patriotism, the
good sense, and the manly spirit of our fellow citizens are pledges for the
cheerfulness with which they will bear each his share of the common burden.
To render the war short and its success sure, animated and systematic
exertions alone are necessary, and the success of our arms now may long
preserve our country from the necessity of another resort to them. Already
have the gallant exploits of our naval heroes proved to the world our
inherent capacity to maintain our rights on one element. If the reputation
of our arms has been thrown under clouds on the other, presaging flashes of
heroic enterprise assure us that nothing is wanting to correspondent
triumphs there also but the discipline and habits which are in daily
progress.
-J. Madison
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