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Patrick Henry's famous speech is often represented as being a word for
word representation of what he said on that historic date back on
March 23, 1775. In truth, Henry's speech was never found and
this representation is from a member of the Virginia house who heard
the speech and represented it the best he could from memory.
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Patrick Henry 1736 - 1799
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No man thinks more highly than I do of the patriotism, as
well as abilities, of the very worthy gentlemen who have just addressed
the House. But different men often see the same subject in different
lights; and, therefore, I hope it will not be thought disrespectful to those
gentlemen if, entertaining as I do opinions of a character very
opposite to theirs, I shall speak forth my sentiments freely and
without reserve. This is no time for ceremony. The questing before the
House is one of awful moment to this country. For my own part, I
consider it as nothing less than a question of freedom or slavery; and
in proportion to the magnitude of the subject ought to be the freedom of the
debate. It is only in this way that we can hope to arrive at truth, and
fulfill the great responsibility which we hold to God and our country.
Should I keep back my opinions at such a time, through fear of giving
offense, I should consider myself as \ of treason towards my country, and of
an act of disloyalty toward the Majesty of Heaven, which I revere
above all earthly kings.
Mr. President, it is natural to man to indulge in the
illusions of hope. We are apt to shut our eyes against a painful
truth, and listen to the song of that siren till she transforms us
into beasts. Is this the part of wise men, engaged in a great and
arduous struggle for liberty? Are we disposed to be of the number of
those who, having eyes, see not, and, having ears, hear not, the things
which so nearly concern their temporal salvation? For my part, whatever
anguish of spirit it may cost, I am willing to know the whole truth; to
know the worst, and to provide for it.
I have but one lamp by which my feet are guided, and that
is the lamp of experience. I know of no way of judging of the future
but by the past. And judging by the past, I wish to know what there
has been in the conduct of the British ministry for the last ten years
to justify those hopes with which gentlemen have been pleased to
solace themselves and the House. Is it that insidious smile with which
our petition has been lately received? Trust it not, sir; it will
prove a snare to your feet. Suffer not ourselves to be betrayed with a
kiss. Ask yourselves how this gracious reception of our petition comports
with those warlike preparations which cover our waters and
darken our land. Are fleets and armies necessary to a work of love and reconciliation?
Have we shown ourselves so unwilling to be reconciled that force must
be called in to win back our love? Let us not deceive ourselves, sir.
These are the implements of war and subjugation; the last arguments to which
kings resort. I ask gentlemen, sir, what means this martial array, if its
purpose be not to force us to submission? Can gentlemen assign any other possible
motive for it? Has Great Britain any enemy, in this quarter of the
world, to call for all this accumulation of navies and armies? No, sir, she
has none. They are meant for us: they can be meant for no other. They
are sent over to bind and rivet upon us those chains which the British ministry
have been so long forging. And what have we to oppose to them? Shall
we try argument? Sir, we have been trying that for the last ten years.
Have we anything new to offer upon the subject? Nothing. We have held the
subject up in every light of which it is capable; but it has been all in
vain. Shall we resort to entreaty and humble supplication? What terms
shall we find which have not been already exhausted? Let us not, I
beseech you, sir, deceive ourselves. Sir, we have done everything that
could be done to avert the storm which is now coming on. We have
petitioned; we have remonstrated; we have supplicated; we have
prostrated ourselves before the throne, and have implored its
interposition to arrest the tyrannical hands of the ministry and Parliament.
Our petitions have been slighted; our remonstrances have produced additional
violence and insult; our supplications have been disregarded; and we
have been spurned, with contempt, from the foot of the throne! In
vain, after these things, may we indulge the fond hope of peace and reconciliation.
There is no longer any room for hope. If we wish to be free--if we mean to
preserve inviolate those inestimable privileges for which we have been
so long contending--if we mean not basely to abandon the noble struggle
in which we have been so long engaged, and which we have pledged ourselves
never to abandon until the glorious object of our contest shall be
obtained--we must fight! I repeat it, sir, we must fight! An appeal to
arms and to the God of hosts is all that is left us!
They tell us, sir, that we are weak; unable to cope
with so formidable an adversary. But when shall we be stronger? Will it
be the next week, or the next year? Will it be when we are totally
disarmed, and when a British guard shall be stationed in every house?
Shall we gather strength but irresolution and inaction? Shall we
acquire the means of effectual resistance by lying supinely on our
backs and hugging the delusive phantom of hope, until our enemies shall
have bound us hand and foot? Sir, we are not weak if we make a proper
use of those means which the God of nature hath placed in our power. The
millions of people, armed in the holy cause of liberty, and in such a country
as that which we possess, are invincible by any force which our enemy can
send against us. Besides, sir, we shall not fight our battles alone. There
is a just God who presides over the destinies of nations, and who will raise
up friends to fight our battles for us. The battle, sir, is not to the strong
alone; it is to the vigilant, the active, the brave. Besides, sir, we
have no election. If we were base enough to desire it, it is now too late to
retire from the contest. There is no retreat but in submission and
slavery! Our chains are forged! Their clanking may be heard on the
plains of Boston! The war is inevitable--and let it come! I repeat it,
sir, let it come.
It is in vain, sir, to extenuate the matter. Gentlemen may cry, Peace,
Peace--but there is no peace. The war is actually begun! The next gale that
sweeps from the north will bring to our ears the clash of resounding
arms! Our brethren are already in the field! Why stand we here
idle? What is it that gentlemen wish? What would they have? Is life so
dear, or peace so sweet, as to be purchased at the price of chains and
slavery? Forbid it, Almighty God! I know not what course others may
take;
but as for me, give me liberty or give me death!
Recommended readings: (Click on the link to purchase)
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Title: A
Son of Thunder: Patrick Henry and the American Republic || Author:
Henry Mayer || ISDN: 0-80213-815-2 || Released: February
1992 |
While Henry Mayer exaggerates the extent
to which Patrick Henry was a democrat, he certainly does a
brilliant job in portraying the key figure in Virginia
politics from the decade before the Revolution to through
ratification of the constitution. This book should be on the
shelf of everyone interested in the period in which Henry
lived. This is not the sole extensive biography
of Henry, but the other book that fits that description -- a
three-volume work, including a volume of Henry's surviving
letters, by Henry's grandson -- is over a century old.
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Title: Give
Me Liberty:
The Uncompromising Statesmanship of Patrick Henry || Author:
David J Vaughn|| ISDN: 1-888-95222-9 || Released: February
1997 |
"I know not what course others may
take, but as for me, give me liberty or give me death!"
These compelling words from a speech delivered by Patrick
Henry in 1775 at the second Virginia Convention embody the
spirit of American courage and patriotism. The speeches of
the 'orator of liberty' fueled the fire of the struggle for
American Independence. This insightful look at one of our
country's most colorful and verbal forefathers will deepen
every readers' appreciation for the leaders in our past and
strengthen their understanding that, even today, freedom
isn't free.
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